Beside the Point

Single-member districting – i.e., electing City Council members to represent a defined geographic area and in turn often a homogenous ethnic group – has long been the third rail of Austin politics, largely because such a system raises uncomfortable racial questions that our current at-large system officially ignores. Initiatives to switch to single-member have failed at the ballot six times. But with Austin rapidly outgrowing the citywide, at-large system and the "gentlemen's agreement" reserving Place 2 and Place 6 for Latino and African-American candidates becoming increasingly archaic, something's gotta give.

But what?

The Charter Revision Committee was convened to explore new options. Council Member Mike Martinez, who campaigned on the issue and was a prime mover in creating the committee, says, "It's something that has never really died out." Moving past at-large representation, he believes, will "provide great opportunities on council for dialogue. People feel like they want to elect someone that represents them – be it on a specific issue, cultural values, or geographic location."

But as the meeting last week made clear, there are several obstacles – most intractably, the question of equitable African-American representation. Austin's black population has continued to diminish as a percentage of the total: from 14% in 1950, to 12% in 1980, down to 9% today. As that percentage shrinks (and disperses throughout a less-segregated region), it has become increasingly difficult to draw an African-American district. City demographer Ryan Robinson says that to map a majority-black district requires 14 sections. Since that would effectively cut current African-American representation in half (from one seat of six to one of 14), it might well be disputed by the Depart­ment of Justice. (Yes, even Bush's DOJ.)

That's the primary reason current Place 6 member Sheryl Cole remains doubtful about single-member. "I don't think it's going to be feasible; I'm open but skeptical," Cole told me. "I am open to whatever the Afric­an-American community wants, but I don't know if we'll be able to draw the lines so [that] there's not a reduction in African-American representation. And the Over­ton plan I saw split the city down I-35. I really think this is a time we need to bring the city together on all types of issues – we shouldn't look at ­balkanization."

Roscoe Overton's plan – based on "the Memphis Model," one possibility before the committee – divides Austin into two east/west superdistricts, then subdivides each into three subdistricts, ultimately electing a total of 12 members. As a purely geographic division, it doesn't account for ethnicity, but it's a model that interests Martinez. "The first thing we have to do is get past this one sticking point that it's going to take 14 districts for one African-American to get elected to council. The community and county have shown the value they place on diversity," Martinez insists, pointing to African-American officials in at-large positions like county judge, sheriff, and tax assessor.

One variation Martinez suggests would split Austin into four quadrants, with two council members from each, and the mayor still elected at-large. Increasing council members by an easily manageable two, it would also end the compartmentalization of the gentleman's agreement, highlighted in the 2006 election, when three qualified African-American candidates fought for the single seat Cole ultimately won. As Martinez sees it, partly geographic representation would help increase accountability. Last week, a member of the North Austin Civic Associa­tion told the committee of difficulty getting members to pay attention to his neighborhood. But Cole told the Chronicle: "Low-voting precincts don't get what they want, but high-voting precincts don't necessarily either. ... I don't think we tend to benefit any part of town. We all meet with ­anybody."

Cole's objection does suggest why the current push for single-member is different – and potentially at odds with minority representation. In the wake of the Northcross Wal-Mart debacle, neighborhood groups are clamoring for more planning input, just as North Austin wants more responsive council contacts. So the city has to mind not only ethnic and racial representation but also "communities of interest" – neighborhoods and their associations. A debate theoretically rooted in increasing minority participation in the democratic process could instead embolden the Old West Austin Neighborhood Association and Hyde Park – already armed with plenty of political bullhorns. (And you wonder why all the young black professionals are leaving for Houston or Atlanta?) Martinez insists these concerns aren't mutually exclusive. "You're seeing the culmination of different constituencies and bases out there, all shooting for the same thing – they want their own representative."

Plainly, the committee faces major hurdles, but the biggest is sufficient community engagement. Last week's meeting, attended by maybe 15 people (including media and staff), did not bode well. The committee's role is only to research and advise concerning the feasibility of single-member districts – the decision whether to proceed lands with council. While the committee maps the groundwork, perhaps it will capture more imaginations. Feel free to lend a hand.

For more charter revision info, see www.ci.austin.tx.us/charter. Council returns next week for its first post-budget meeting. Reach BTP at [email protected].